Colombia stopped energy exports to Israel - so why did South Africa and Brazil not do so?

What Happened

In July 2025, Colombian President Gustavo Petro ordered his navy to block all coal supplies to Israel, closing a loophole in a 2024 decree that allowed mineral multinationals to honour existing contracts. Despite the earlier ban, the Maltese-flagged vessel Fortune departed Puerto Drummond bound for Hadera with coal mined by US firm Drummond. A second decree on 28 August 2025 halted coal exports 'without exception', and Colombian shipments—Israel's largest source—dropped to zero within months. In March 2026, Colombia co-chaired a Hague meeting of 40 governments that pledged to ban fuel, military fuel, and dual-use item transfers to Israel. However, signatories including co-chair South Africa increased coal exports to Israel by 87%, while Brazil funnelled an estimated 2.7 million barrels of crude oil to Israel in 2024. Campaigners from the Palestine Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Energy Embargo for Palestine argue that only Colombia's ban is effective, attributing other nations' inaction to fear of US sanctions and claiming fuel embargoes face less regulation than arms transfers. Colombia's ban was driven by a coalition of unions, indigenous groups, and BDS activists who tracked ships beating the earlier decree.

Key Actors

Why It Matters

The article exposes a critical gap between international diplomatic pledges and actual policy on arming Israel. While Colombia demonstrates that a complete fuel embargo is feasible and legally defensible, major Global South powers like South Africa and Brazil—despite leading legal challenges and signing embargo agreements—continue or increase fossil fuel supplies that power Israel's war machine. This undermines the Hague Group's credibility and raises questions about US pressure as a deterrent. The campaigners' framing that fuel is the 'machine' enabling bombings and settlement operations underscores the strategic impact an energy embargo could have on Israel's military capacity. The story also highlights the role of domestic activism, indigenous rights, and union solidarity in translating global justice demands into national policy.

Watch For

Monitor whether the Hague Group's 40-nation commitment translates into concrete export restrictions, port controls, and flag-state responsibilities. Watch for potential US sanctions or diplomatic retaliation against Colombia and any other state that imposes an effective fuel embargo. The International Court of Justice's genocide case (South Africa v. Israel) and any provisional measures rulings could increase legal pressure on fuel-exporting states. Campaigners will likely target vessels and corporations still delivering coal and oil to Israel, using ship-tracking data. Colombia's example may inspire similar union and indigenous-led blockades in other coal-producing nations like South Africa, where domestic opposition to arming Israel could pressure the government.